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The Rome Statute provides that all persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt,[91] and establishes certain rights of the accused and persons during investigations.[92] These include the right to be fully informed of the charges against him or her; the right to have a lawyer appointed, free of charge; the right to a speedy trial; and the right to examine the witnesses against him or her.
To ensure "equality of arms" between defence and prosecution teams, the ICC has established an independent Office of Public Counsel for the Defence (OPCD) to provide logistical support, advice and information to defendants and their counsel.[93][94] The OPCD also helps to safeguard the rights of the accused during the initial stages of an investigation.[95] However, Thomas Lubanga's defence team say they were given a smaller budget than the Prosecutor and that evidence and witness statements were slow to arrive.[96]
The trial court procedures are similar to the US Guantanamo military commissions.[97][98]
One of the great innovations of the Statute of the International Criminal Court and its Rules of Procedure and Evidence is the series of rights granted to victims.[99][100] For the first time in the history of international criminal justice, victims have the possibility under the Statute to present their views and observations before the Court.
Participation before the Court may occur at various stages of proceedings and may take different forms, although it will be up to the judges to give directions as to the timing and manner of participation.
Participation in the Court's proceedings will in most cases take place through a legal representative and will be conducted "in a manner which is not prejudicial or inconsistent with the rights of the accused and a fair and impartial trial".
The victim-based provisions within the Rome Statute provide victims with the opportunity to have their voices heard and to obtain, where appropriate, some form of reparation for their suffering. It is this balance between retributive and restorative justice that will enable the ICC, not only to bring criminals to justice but also to help the victims themselves obtain justice.
Article 43(6) establishes a Victims and Witnesses Unit to provide "protective measures and security arrangements, counseling and other appropriate assistance for witnesses, victims who appear before the Court, and others who are at risk on account of testimony given by such witnesses."[101] Article 68 sets out procedures for the "Protection of the victims and witnesses and their participation in the proceedings."[102] The Court has also established an Office of Public Counsel for Victims, to provide support and assistance to victims and their legal representatives.[103] Article 79 of the Rome Statute establishes a Trust Fund to make financial reparations to victims and their families.[104]
One of the principles of international law is that a treaty does not create either obligations or rights for third states (pacta tertiis nec nocent nec prosunt) without their consent, and this is also enshrined in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.[105] The co-operation of the non-party states with the ICC is envisioned by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to be of voluntary nature.[106] However, even states that have not acceded to the Rome Statute might still be subjects to an obligation to co-operate with ICC in certain cases.[107] When a case is referred to the ICC by the UN Security Council all UN member states are obliged to co-operate, since its decisions are binding for all of them.[108] Also, there is an obligation to respect and ensure respect for international humanitarian law, which stems from the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I,[109] which reflects the absolute nature of IHL.[110] Although the wording of the Conventions might not be precise as to what steps have to be taken, it has been argued that it at least requires non-party states to make an effort not to block actions of ICC in response to serious violations of those Conventions.[107] In relation to co-operation in investigation and evidence gathering, it is implied from the Rome Statute[111] that the consent of a non-party state is a prerequisite for ICC Prosecutor to conduct an investigation within its territory, and it seems that it is even more necessary for him to observe any reasonable conditions raised by that state, since such restrictions exist for states party to the Statute.[107] Taking into account the experience of the ICTY (which worked with the principle of the primacy, instead of complementarity) in relation to co-operation, some scholars have expressed their pessimism as to the possibility of ICC to obtain co-operation of non-party states.[107] As for the actions that ICC can take towards non-party states that do not co-operate, the Rome Statute stipulates that the Court may inform the Assembly of States Parties or Security Council, when the matter was referred by it, when non-party state refuses to co-operate after it has entered into an ad hoc arrangement or an agreement with the Court.[112]
It is unclear to what extent the ICC is compatible with reconciliation processes that grant amnesty to human rights abusers as part of agreements to end conflict.[113] Article 16 of the Rome Statute allows the Security Council to prevent the Court from investigating or prosecuting a case,[114] and Article 53 allows the Prosecutor the discretion not to initiate an investigation if he or she believes that “an investigation would not serve the interests of justice”.[115] Former ICC president Philippe Kirsch has said that "some limited amnesties may be compatible" with a country's obligations genuinely to investigate or prosecute under the Statute.[113]
It is sometimes argued that amnesties are necessary to allow the peaceful transfer of power from abusive regimes. By denying states the right to offer amnesty to human rights abusers, the International Criminal Court may make it more difficult to negotiate an end to conflict and a transition to democracy. For example, the outstanding arrest warrants for four leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army are regarded by some as an obstacle to ending the insurgency in Uganda.[116][117] Czech politician Marek Benda argues that "the ICC as a deterrent will in our view only mean the worst dictators will try to retain power at all costs".[118] However, the United Nations[119] and the International Committee of the Red Cross[120] maintain that granting amnesty to those accused of war crimes and other serious crimes is a violation of international law.
The ICC is financed by contributions from the states parties. The amount payable by each state party is determined using the same method as the United Nations:[121] each state's contribution is based on the country's capacity to pay, which reflects factors such as a national income and population. The maximum amount a single country can pay in any year is limited to 22% of the Court's budget; Japan paid this amount in 2008.
The Court spent €80.5 million in 2007,[122] and the Assembly of States Parties has approved a budget of €90,382,100 for 2008[121] and €101,229,900 for 2009.[123] As of September 2008, the ICC’s staff consisted of 571 persons from 83 states.[124]
To date, the Prosecutor has opened investigations into
The official languages of the ICC are Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and
Nevertheless, most of the procedures of these commissions are not inconsistent with the procedures of other international criminal tribunals including the newly established International Criminal Court at The Hague.
Programme budget for 2008, the Working Capital Fund for 2008, scale of assessments for the apportionment of expenses of the International Criminal Court and financing appropriations for the year 2008
Limitations exist for the ICC. The Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that the ICC's prosecutor team takes no account of the roles played by the government in the conflict of Uganda, Rwanda or Congo. This led to a flawed investigation, because the ICC did not reach the conclusion of its verdict after considering the governments’ position and actions in the conflict.
In some common law systems, such as the United States, the right to confront one's accusers is traditionally seen as negatively affected by the lack of an ability to compel witnesses and the admission of hearsay evidence,[209][210] which along with other indirect evidence is not generally prohibited.[89]
Among those who argue that the protections offered by the ICC are insufficient is the Heritage Foundation, an American conservative think tank based in Washington DC which stated in 2001 that "Americans who appear before the court would be denied such basic U.S. constitutional rights as trial by a jury of one's peers, protection from double jeopardy, and the right to confront one's accusers."[206] It should be noted, however, that US citizens do not always have a right to a jury trial. In common with the practice of most nation states American service personnel, for example, tried by courts martial do not have a right to a jury trial in the usual sense nor are the panel members necessarily their peers. By contrast Human Rights Watch writes "the ICC has one of the most extensive lists of due process guarantees ever written", including "presumption of innocence; right to counsel; right to present evidence and to confront witnesses; right to remain silent; right to be present at trial; right to have charges proved beyond a reasonable doubt; and protection against double jeopardy".[207] Although the United States actually voted against adoption of the Rome treaty, David Scheffer, who led the US delegation to the Rome Conference maintained "when we were negotiating the Rome treaty, we always kept very close tabs on, 'Does this meet U.S. constitutional tests, the formation of this court and the due process rights that are accorded defendants?' And we were very confident at the end of Rome that those due process rights, in fact, are protected, and that this treaty does meet a constitutional test."[208]
Concerning the independent Office of Public Counsel for the Defence (OPCD), Thomas Lubanga's defence team say they were given a smaller budget than the Prosecutor and that evidence and witness statements were slow to arrive.[96]
Critics of the Court argue that there are "insufficient checks and balances on the authority of the ICC prosecutor and judges" and "insufficient protection against politicized prosecutions or other abuses".[42]
South African President Jacob Zuma said the perceptions of the ICC as “unreasonable” led to the calling of the special AU summit on 13 October. Botswana is a notable supporter of the ICC in Africa.[198] At the summit, the AU did not endorse the proposal for a mass withdrawal from the ICC due to lack of support for the idea.[199] However, the summit did conclude that serving heads of state should not be put on trial and that the Kenyan cases should be deferred. Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom said: "We have rejected the double standard that the ICC is applying in dispensing international justice."[200] Despite these calls, the ICC went ahead with requiring William Ruto to attend his trial.[201] The UNSC was then asked to consider deferring the trials of Kenyatta and Ruto for a year,[202] but this was rejected.[203] In November, the ICC's Assembly of State Parties responded to Kenya's calls for an exemption for sitting heads of state[204] by agreeing to consider amendments to the Rome Statute to address the concerns.[205]
Though the ICC has denied the charge of disproportionately targeting African leaders, and claims to stand up for victims wherever they may be, Kenya was not alone in criticising the ICC. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir visited Kenya despite an outstanding ICC warrant for his arrest but was not arrested; he said that the charges against him are “exaggerated” and that the ICC was a part of a “western plot” against him. Ivory Coast’s government opted not to transfer former first lady Simone Gbagbo to the court but to instead try her at home. Rwanda’s ambassador to the African Union, Joseph Nsengimana, argued that “It is not only the case of Kenya. We have seen international justice become more and more a political matter.” Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni accused the ICC of “mishandling complex African issues.” Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, the AU chairman, told the UN General Assembly at the General debate of the sixty-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly: “The manner in which the ICC has been operating has left a very bad impression in Africa. It is totally unacceptable.”
The prosecution of Kenyan Deputy President William Ruto and President Uhuru Kenyatta (charged before becoming president) led to the Kenyan parliament passing a motion calling for Kenya's withdrawal from the ICC, and the country has called on the other 34 African states party to the ICC to withdraw their support, an issue which was discussed at a special African Union summit in October 2013.
The ICC has been accused of bias and as being a tool of Western imperialism, only punishing leaders from small, weak states while ignoring crimes committed by richer and more powerful states. [193][194][195]This sentiment has been expressed particularly by African leaders due to an alleged disproportionate focus of the Court on Africa, while it claims to have a global mandate; to date, all eight situations which the ICC has investigated are in African countries.[196][197]
Another issue has been that NGOs possess ""exaggerated senses of their ownership over the organization and, having been vital to and successful in promoting the Court, were not managing to redefine their roles to permit the Court its necessary independence."[191] Additionally, because there does exist such a gap between the large human rights organizations and the smaller peace-oriented organizations, it is difficult for ICC officials to manage and gratify all of their NGOs. "ICC officials recognize that the NGOs pursue their own agendas, and that they will seek to pressure the ICC in the direction of their own priorities rather than necessarily understanding or being fully sympathetic to the myriad constraints and pressures under which the Court operates."[191] Both the ICC and the NGO community avoid criticizing each other publicly or vehemently, although NGOs have released advisory and cautionary messages regarding the ICC. They avoid taking stances that could potentially give the Court's adversaries, particularly the US, more motive to berate the organization.
However, NGOs are also "sources of criticism, exhortation and pressure upon" the ICC.[191] The ICC heavily depends on NGOs for its operations. Although NGOs and states cannot directly impact the judicial nucleus of the organization, they can impart information on crimes, can help locate victims and witnesses, and can promote and organize victim participation. NGOs outwardly comment on the Court's operations, "push for expansion of its activities especially in the new justice areas of outreach in conflict areas, in victims' participation and reparations, and in upholding due-process standards and defense 'equality of arms' and so implicitly set an agenda for the future evolution of the ICC."[191] The relatively uninterrupted progression of NGO involvement with the ICC may mean that NGOs have become repositories of more institutional historical knowledge about the ICC than have national representatives to it and have greater expertise than some of the organization's employees themselves. While NGOs look to mold the ICC to satisfy the interests and priorities that they have worked for since the early 1990s, they unavoidably press against the limits imposed upon the ICC by the states that are members of the organization. NGOs can pursue their own mandates, irrespective of whether they are compatible with those of other NGOs, while the ICC must respond to the complexities of its own mandate as well as those of the states and NGOs.
The ICC many time depends on NGOs to interact with local populations. The Registry Public Information Office personnel and Victims Participation and Reparations Section officials hold seminars for local leaders, professionals and the media to spread the word about the Court.[191] These are the kinds of events that are often hosted or organized by local NGOs. Because there can be challenges with determining which of these NGOs are legitimate, CICC regional representatives often have the ability to help screen and identify trustworthy organizations.
NGOs have been crucial to the evolution of the ICC, as they assisted in the creation of the normative climate that urged states to seriously consider the Court's formation. Their legal experts helped shape the Statute, while their lobbying efforts built support for it. They advocate Statute ratification globally and work at expert and political levels within member states for passage of necessary domestic legislation. NGOs are greatly represented at meetings for the Assembly of States Parties and they use the ASP meetings to press for decisions promoting their priorities.[191] Many of these NGOs have reasonable access to important officials at the ICC because of their involvement during the Statute process. They are engaged in monitoring, commenting upon, and assisting in the ICC's activities.
The NGOs that work under the CICC do not normally pursue agendas exclusive to the work of the Court, rather they may work for broader causes, such as general human rights issues, victims' rights, gender rights, rule of law, conflict mediation, and peace.[191] The CICC coordinates their efforts to improve the efficiency of NGOs' contributions to the Court and to pool their influence on major common issues. From the ICC side, it has been useful to have the CICC channel NGO contacts with the Court so that its officials do not have to interact individually with thousands of separate organizations.
CICC members ascribe to three principles that permit them to work under the umbrella of the CICC, so long as their objectives match them:
There are a number of NGOs working on a variety of issues related to the ICC. The NGO International Federation of Human Rights Leagues (FIDH).
NGOs helped birth the ICC through advocacy and championing for the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes against humanity. NGOs closely monitor the organization's declarations and actions, ensuring that the work that is being executed on behalf of the ICC is fulfilling its objectives and responsibilities to civil society.[191] According to Benjamin Schiff, "From the Statute Conference onward, the relationship between the ICC and the NGOs has probably been closer, more consistent, and more vital to the Court than have analogous relations between NGOs and any other international organization."
During the 1970s and 1980s, international human rights and humanitarian Nongovernmental Organizations (or NGOs) began to proliferate at exponential rates. Concurrently, the quest to find a way to punish international crimes shifted from being the exclusive responsibility of legal experts to being shared with international human rights activism.
The Court cooperates with the UN in many different areas, including the exchange of information and logistical support.[187] The Court reports to the UN each year on its activities,[187][188] and some meetings of the Assembly of States Parties are held at UN facilities. The relationship between the Court and the UN is governed by a "Relationship Agreement between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations".[189][190]
[186] Unlike the
Notes
A The Office of the Prosecutor applies different phases to preliminary examinations. Every examination is started with an initial review (phase 1). It is followed by clarifications of jurisdiction, namely temporal, territorial, and personal jurisdiction (phase 2a), on one hand, and subject-matter jurisdiction (phase 2b), on the other hand. After resolving this, the issue of admissibility (phase 3) and interests of justice (phase 4) complete the procedure.[146] B The preliminary investigation of the situation in Iraq was initially closed on 9 February 2006.[147] However, it was reopened on 13 May 2014.[134] C The full name is the "situation on registered vessels of the Union of the Comoros, the Hellenic Republic and the Kingdom of Cambodia".[148]
Key: Official investigation Authorization to open investigation requested Preliminary examination ongoing Preliminary examination closed
As of December 2014, the Lubanga and Katanga-Chui trials in the situation of the DR Congo were concluded with two individuals convicted and sentenced to 14 and 12 years imprisonment, respectively. Mr Chui was acquitted and released. The Prosecutor has appealed the acquittal. The Bemba trial regarding the Central African Republic has been closed with the decision pending. A fourth trial, in the Ruto-Sang case regarding the situation in Kenya, began in September 2013. The Banda trial in the situation of Darfur, Sudan, was scheduled to begin in 2014 but the start date was vacated. In the Ntaganda case in the DR Congo situation and in the Laurent Gbagbo case in the Côte d'Ivoire situation, trials are to begin in June and July 2015, respectively. The charges against all five suspects in the Bemba et al. OAJ case were confirmed in November 2014; a Trial Chamber is to be established. The confirmation of charges hearing in the Blé Goudé took place in September/October 2014; the decision is pending.
The Court's Pre-Trial Chambers have publicly indicted 36 people. The ICC has issued arrest warrants for 28 individuals and summonses to eight others. Seven persons are in detention. Proceedings against 25 are ongoing: eleven are at large as fugitives, two are under arrest but not in the Court's custody, eight are in the pre-trial phase, another three are at trial, and the prosecution is appealing one individual's acquittal. Proceedings against eleven have been completed: two have been convicted, four have had the charges against them dismissed, two has had the charges against them withdrawn, one has had his case declared inadmissible, and three have died before trial.
[127]
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