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Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

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Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Born Corneliu Zelinski
(1899-09-13)September 13, 1899
Huși, Vaslui County, Romania
Died November 30, 1938(1938-11-30) (aged 39)
Tâncăbeşti, Ilfov County, Romania
Resting place Jilava, Ilfov County, Romania
Ethnicity Disputed
Occupation Politician
Title Căpitanul (The Captain)
Political party National-Christian Defense League (1923–1927)
Iron Guard (1927–1938)
Religion Romanian Orthodox
Spouse(s) Elena Ilinoiu

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu[1] (Romanian pronunciation: ; September 13, 1899 – November 30, 1938)—born Corneliu Zelinski and commonly known as Corneliu Codreanu—was a interwar period. Generally seen as the main variety of local fascism, and noted for its mystical and Romanian Orthodox-inspired revolutionary message, it grew into an important actor on the Romanian political stage, coming into conflict with the political establishment and the democratic forces, and often resorting to terrorism. The Legionaries traditionally referred to Codreanu as Căpitanul ("The Captain"), and he held absolute authority over the organization until his death.

Codreanu, who began his career in the wake of Premier Ion G. Duca and his former associate Mihai Stelescu. Simultaneously, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu advocated Romania's adherence to a military and political alliance with Nazi Germany.

He registered his main electoral success during the Jilava and eventual assassination at the hands of the Gendarmerie. He was succeeded as leader by Horia Sima. In 1940, under the National Legionary State proclaimed by the Iron Guard, his killing served as the basis for violent retribution.

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's views influenced the modern far right. Groups claiming him as a forerunner include Italy and other parts of Europe.


  • Biography 1
    • Early life 1.1
    • GCN and National-Christian Defense League 1.2
    • Manciu's killing 1.3
    • Creation of the Legion 1.4
    • First outlawing and parliamentary mandate 1.5
    • Clash with Duca and truce with Tătărescu 1.6
    • "Everything for the Country" 1.7
    • Clash with the King and 1938 trials 1.8
    • Sentencing and death 1.9
  • Legacy 2
    • Lifetime influence and Legionary power 2.1
    • Codreanu and modern-day political discourse 2.2
    • In cultural reference 2.3
  • Notes 3
  • References 4
  • Further reading 5
  • External links 6


Early life

Corneliu Codreanu was born in genealogy which alleged that he was of mixed ancestry, being the descendant of not just Ukrainians, Germans, and Romanians, but also Czechs and Russians, and that several of their ancestors were delinquents.[3] Historian Ilarion Ţiu describes this as an attempt to offend and libel Codreanu.[3]

Too young for conscription in 1916, when Romania entered World War I on the Entente side, Corneliu nonetheless tried his best to enlist and fight in the subsequent campaign. His education at the military school in Bacău (where he was a colleague of Petre Pandrea, the future left-wing activist)[5] ended in the same year as Romania's direct implication in the war. In 1919, after moving to Iaşi, Codreanu found communism as his new enemy, after he had witnessed the impact of Bolshevik agitation in Moldavia, and especially after Romania lost her main ally in the October Revolution, forcing her to sign the 1918 Treaty of Bucharest; also, the newly founded Comintern was violently opposed to Romania's interwar borders (see Greater Romania).[6]

While the Bolshevik presence decreased overall following the repression of Socialist Party riots in Bucharest (December 1918),[7] it remained or was perceived as relatively strong in Iaşi and other Moldavian cities and towns. In this context, the easternmost region of Bessarabia, which united with Romania in 1918, was believed by Codreanu and others to be especially prone to Bolshevik influence.[8] Codreanu learned antisemitism from his father, but connected it with anticommunism, in the belief that Jews were, among other things, the primordial agents of the Soviet Union (see Jewish Bolshevism).[9]

GCN and National-Christian Defense League

Codreanu studied law in Iaşi, where he began his political career. Like his father, he became close to A. C. Cuza. Codreanu's fear of Bolshevik insurrection led to his efforts to address industrial workers himself. At the time, Cuza was preaching that the Jewish population was a manifest threat to Romanians, claimed that Jews were threatening the purity of Romanian young women, and began campaigning in favor of racial segregation.[8]

Historian Adrian Cioroianu defined the early Codreanu as a "quasi-demagogue agitator".[10] According to Cioroianu, Codreanu loved Romania with "fanaticism", which implied that he saw the country as "idyllicized [and] different from the real one of his times".[10] British scholar Christopher Catherwood also referred to Codreanu as "an obsessive anti-Semite and religious fanatic".[11] Historian Zeev Barbu proposed that: "Cuza was Codreanu's mentor [...], but nothing that Codreanu learned from him was strikingly new. Cuza served mainly as a catalyst for his nationalism and antisemitism."[8] As he himself later acknowledged, the young activist was also deeply influenced by the physiologist and antisemitic ideologue Nicolae Paulescu, who was involved with Cuza's movement.[12]

In late 1919, he joined the short-lived Garda Conştiinţei Naţionale (GCN, "The National Awareness Guard"), a group formed by the electrician Constantin Pancu.[13] Pancu's movement, whose original membership did not exceed 40,[14] attempted to revive loyalism within the proletariat (while offering an alternative to communism by promising to advocate increased labor rights).[15] As much as other reactionary groups, it won the tacit support of General Alexandru Averescu and his increasingly popular People's Party (of which Cuza became an affiliate);[16] Averescu's ascension to power in 1920 engendered a new period of social troubles in the larger urban areas (see Labor movement in Romania).[15]

The GCN, in which Codreanu thought he could see the nucleus of nationalist trade unions, became active in crushing strike actions.[17] Their activities did not fail in attracting attention, especially after students who obeyed Codreanu, grouped in the Association of Christian Students, started demanding a Jewish quota for higher education — this gathered popularity for the GCN, and it led to a drastic increase in the frequency and intensity of assaults on all its opponents.[18] In response, Codreanu was expelled from University. Although allowed to return when Cuza and others intervened for him (refusing to respect the decision of the University Senate), he was never presented with a diploma after his graduation.[19]

While studying in Berlin and Jena in 1922, Codreanu took a critical attitude towards the Weimar Republic, and began praising the March on Rome and Italian fascism as major achievements; he decided to cut his stay short, after he learned of the large student protests in December, prompted by the intention of the government to grant the complete emancipation of Jews (see History of the Jews in Romania).[20]

When protests organized by Codreanu met with the new

  • A Few Remarks on DemocracyCorneliu Zelea Codreanu, , at the University of Pittsburgh Center for International Studies
  • (Italian) Biography of Codreanu at
  • (Romanian) Codreanu's letter to Iorga, at the University of Bucharest

External links

Further reading

  • Final Report of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania, Polirom, Iaşi, 2004. ISBN 973-681-989-2
  • Zeev Barbu, "Romania: The Iron Guard", in Aristotle A. Kallis (ed.), The Fascism Reader, Routledge, London, 2003, p. 195-201. ISBN 0-415-24358-0
  • Ruth Benedict, "The History as It Appears to Rumanians", in Margaret Mead, Rhoda Bubendey Métraux (eds.), The Study of Culture at a Distance, Berghahn Books, New York & Oxford, 2000, p. 449-459. ISBN 1-57181-215-6
  • Lucian Boia, Istorie şi mit în conştiinţa românească, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1997. ISBN 973-50-0055-5
  • William Brustein, Roots of Hate: Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003. ISBN 0-521-77478-0
  • Christopher Catherwood, Why the Nations Rage: Killing in the Name of God, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, 2002. ISBN 0-7425-0090-X
  • Adrian Cioroianu, Pe umerii lui Marx. O introducere în istoria comunismului românesc, Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2005. ISBN 973-669-175-6
  • Norman Davies, Europe: A History, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1996. ISBN 0-19-820171-0
  • Renzo De Felice, Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice, Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick & London, 1976. ISBN 0-87855-619-2
  • Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983. ISBN 0-521-27459-1
  • James Mayall, "Fascism and Racism", in Terence Ball (ed.), The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003, p. 123-150. ISBN 0-521-56354-2
  • Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească, Editura Fundaţiei Culturale Române, Bucharest, 1995
  • Stanley G. Payne, Fascism, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1980. ISBN 0-299-08064-1
  • Grigore Traian Pop, "Cînd disidenţa se pedepseşte cu moartea. Un asasinat ritual: Mihail Stelescu", in Dosarele Istoriei, 6/IV (1999)
  • Ioan Scurtu, "De la bomba din Senat la atentatul din Gara Sinaia", in Dosarele Istoriei, 6/IV (1999)
  • Mark Sedgwick, Against the Modern World: Traditionalism and the Secret Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press US, New York, 2004. ISBN 0-19-515297-2
  • Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iaşi, 2005. ISBN 973-681-899-3
  • Francisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaţionalismului, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993


  1. ^ a b Hugh Seton-Watson, The East European Revolution, Frederick A. Prager, New York, 1961, p.206
  2. ^ Jelavich, pp.204–205; Emil Cioran, a philosopher who, early in his life, had been attracted to the Iron Guard, stated in a later interview that he believed Corneliu Zelea Codreanu to be "in fact, Slavic, more of a Ukrainian hetman type" (Cioran, Convorbiri cu Cioran, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993, in Ornea, p.198)
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac (Romanian) Ilarion Ţiu, "Relaţiile regimului autoritar al lui Carol al II-lea cu opoziţia. Studiu de caz: arestarea conducerii Mişcării Legionare", in Revista Erasmus, 14/2003-2005, at the University of Bucharest Faculty of History; retrieved February 13, 2008
  4. ^ Ornea, p.286
  5. ^ Veiga, p.51, 68
  6. ^ Veiga, p.41, 47
  7. ^ Veiga, p.47
  8. ^ a b c Barbu, p.196
  9. ^ Veiga, p.48-49, 54
  10. ^ a b c Cioroianu, p.16
  11. ^ Catherwood, p.104
  12. ^ Final Report, p.35, 44, 45
  13. ^ Barbu, p.196-197; Veiga, p.49-50
  14. ^ a b c Barbu, p.197
  15. ^ a b Veiga, p.49-50
  16. ^ Veiga, p.46-47
  17. ^ Barbu, p.197; Veiga, p.48-49
  18. ^ Veiga, p.52
  19. ^ Cioroianu, p.17; Ornea, p.288; Veiga, p.52, 55
  20. ^ Ornea, p.287
  21. ^ Ornea, p.287; Veiga, p.74
  22. ^ Catherwood, p.105; Veiga, p.75
  23. ^ Final Report, p.44
  24. ^ Ornea, p.287; Veiga, p. 62-64, 76
  25. ^ Final Report, p.46
  26. ^ Ornea, p.287; Veiga, p.77
  27. ^ Final Report, p.44-45; Brustein, p.158; Sedgwick, p.113
  28. ^ Final Report, p.45; Ornea, p.287-288
  29. ^ Barbu, p.197; Veiga, p.82-83
  30. ^ Veiga, p.78
  31. ^ Ornea, p.288; Scurtu, p.41
  32. ^ Scurtu, p.41; Veiga, p.80
  33. ^ a b c d e Scurtu, p.41
  34. ^ Andrei, in Scurtu, p.41
  35. ^ Ornea, p.288; Scurtu, p.42
  36. ^ Scurtu, p.42; Veiga, p.80
  37. ^ Ornea, p.289; Veiga, p.80
  38. ^ Ornea, p.289-290
  39. ^ Veiga, p.92-93
  40. ^ Barbu, p.197; Benedict, p.457; Ornea, p.290; Jelavich, p.206; Veiga, p.107-110
  41. ^ a b Jelavich, p.205
  42. ^ Barbu, p.200; Mayall, p.141
  43. ^ Barbu, p.200; Benedict, p.456
  44. ^ Benedict, p.456
  45. ^ Catherwood, p.104, 107
  46. ^ Final Report, p.46-47; Mayall, p.141; Payne, p.116
  47. ^ Jelavich, p.205; Mayall, p.142
  48. ^ Mayall, p.141-142
  49. ^ a b Davies, p.968-969
  50. ^ a b c Mayall, p.141
  51. ^ Barbu, p.197; Ornea, p.348-376; Payne, p.116
  52. ^ Codreanu, in Barbu, p.197
  53. ^ Mayall, p.141; Ornea, p.348-353; Payne, p.116
  54. ^ Brustein, p.158; Catherwood, p.104-195
  55. ^ Codreanu, in Final Report, p.45
  56. ^ Final Report, p.46-47
  57. ^ Codreanu, in Catherwood, p.105
  58. ^ Brustein, p.158; Catherwood, p.105
  59. ^ a b c d Stephen J. Lee, European Dictatorships, 1918-1945, Routledge, London, 2000, p.288. ISBN 0-415-23046-2
  60. ^ a b Brustein, p.158
  61. ^ Benedict, p.457
  62. ^ Final Report, p.28-29
  63. ^ Barbu, p.198-200; Cioroianu, p.17
  64. ^ Barbu, p.198-200; Benedict, p.457-458; De Felice, p.101
  65. ^ a b c Payne, p.116
  66. ^ Barbu, p.199
  67. ^ Tismăneanu, p.65
  68. ^ Benedict, p.457; Payne, p.116
  69. ^ Ornea, p.291-295
  70. ^ Veiga, p.108
  71. ^ a b Veiga, p.113-116
  72. ^ Ornea, p.291
  73. ^ Ornea, p.294
  74. ^ a b Ornea, p.295
  75. ^ Veiga, p.140-147
  76. ^ a b Ornea, p.296
  77. ^ a b Barbu, p.198
  78. ^ Veiga, p.251-255
  79. ^ Veiga, p.229, 230
  80. ^ Jelavich, p.206; Veiga, p.196-197
  81. ^ Jelavich, p.206
  82. ^ Ornea, p.298; Veiga, p.197-198
  83. ^ Ornea, p.244, 298; Veiga, p.201
  84. ^ Veiga, p.197, 200
  85. ^ Stelescu, 1935, in Ornea, p.298-299
  86. ^ Ornea, p.302-305
  87. ^ Ornea, p.305, 307; Pop, p.47; Veiga, p.233
  88. ^ Pop, p.46-47
  89. ^ Ornea, p.309-311
  90. ^ Final Report, p.35, 45
  91. ^ Veiga, p.222
  92. ^ Veiga, p.216-222, 224-226
  93. ^ Veiga, p.233-234
  94. ^ Benedict, p.457; Cioroianu, p.17
  95. ^ Final Report, p.35
  96. ^ Final Report, p.39-40; Brustein, p.159; Cioroianu, p.17; Jelavich, p.206; Ornea, p.312
  97. ^ Final Report, p.39; Brustein, p.159; Cioroianu, p.17; Ornea, p.312-313; Veiga, p.234-236
  98. ^ Cioroianu, p.17; Jelavich, p.206; Ornea, p.312-313; Veiga, p.234-236
  99. ^ Veiga, p.224
  100. ^ Final Report, p.40-42; Veiga, p.245-247; Sedgwick, p.114
  101. ^ Final Report, p.43; Veiga, p.246-247
  102. ^ Ornea, p.313, 314; Veiga, p.247
  103. ^ Ornea, p.314
  104. ^ Codreanu, in Ornea, p.315
  105. ^ Ornea, p.316
  106. ^ Iorga, in Ornea, p.316
  107. ^ Jelavich, p.207; Ornea, p.317; Veiga, p.250, 255-256
  108. ^ Ornea, p.314, 320; Veiga, p.256-257
  109. ^ Barbu, p.198; Jelavich, p.207; Ornea, p.320-321; Sedgwick, p.115; Veiga, p.257
  110. ^ a b c d Davies, p.968
  111. ^ Ornea, p.320-321; Sedgwick, p.115; Veiga, p.257
  112. ^ a b c Payne, p.117
  113. ^ De Felice, p.101-102
  114. ^ Veiga, p.315-330
  115. ^ Waldeck, in Benedict, p.457
  116. ^ Boia, p.316-317
  117. ^ Cioroianu, p.54
  118. ^ Final Report, p.110
  119. ^ Final Report, p.46, 110; Ornea, p.339-341; Veiga, 292-295
  120. ^ Final Report, p.110-111; Ornea, p.333-334
  121. ^ Ornea, p.333-334
  122. ^ a b c (Romanian) Daniel Focşa, "Mariana Drăgescu şi Escadrila Albă (V)", in Ziarul Financiar, June 8, 2007
  123. ^ Ornea, p.329-330, 346-348; Veiga, p.291, 302-304, 308-309
  124. ^ Eliade, in Steven M. Wasserstrom, Religion after Religion: Gershom Scholem, Mircea Eliade, and Henry Corbin at Eranos, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1999, p.17. ISBN 0-691-00540-0
  125. ^ Sedgwick, p.114
  126. ^ Evola, in Sedgwick, p.114
  127. ^ De Felice, p.101
  128. ^ Sedgwick, p.185
  129. ^ a b c d (Romanian) 22, Nr.636, May–June 2002
  130. ^ Peter Chroust, "Neo-Nazis and Taliban On-Line: Anti-Modern Political Movements and Modern Media", in Peter Ferdinand (ed.), The Internet, Democracy and Democratization, Routledge, London, 2000, p.113. ISBN 0-7146-5065-X
  131. ^ a b Denise Roman, Fragmented Identities: Popular Culture, Sex, and Everyday Life in Postcommunist Romania, Lexington Books, Lanham, 2007, p.83. ISBN 0-7391-2118-9
  132. ^ Stephen D. Shenfield, Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements, M. E. Sharpe, Armonk & London, 2001, p.127. ISBN 0-7656-0634-8
  133. ^ Davies, p.969
  134. ^ Final Report, p.365
  135. ^ a b c (Romanian) Adrian Cioroianu, "Jumătatea goală a paharului credinţei", in Dilema Veche, Vol. III, Nr.127, June 2006; retrieved February 11, 2008
  136. ^ (Romanian) Mediafax, "Zelea Codreanu, comemorat de legionari", in Adevărul, November 28, 2005; retrieved February 11, 2008
  137. ^ a b (Romanian) "Becali foloseşte un slogan legionar", in Ziarul Financiar, November 4, 2004 (retrieved February 11, 2008); Andrei Cornea, "Becali - cetăţean european", in 22, Nr.844, May 2006 (retrieved February 11, 2008)
  138. ^ a b c d e f Michael Shafir, "Profile: Gigi Becali", at Radio Free Europe, OMRI Daily Digest, December 13, 2004; retrieved February 11, 2008
  139. ^ Tismăneanu, p.255
  140. ^ (Romanian) Top 100 Mari Români, at the Mari Români site of the Romanian Television; retrieved February 11, 2008
  141. ^ Final Report, p.48
  142. ^ a b Cioroianu, p.435
  143. ^ Cioroianu, p.435; Tismăneanu, p.255
  144. ^ a b Boia, p.320
  145. ^ Ornea, p.381
  146. ^ Cioran, 1940, in Ornea, p.197
  147. ^ Ornea, passim (listed together p.376-386)
  148. ^ Final Report, p.47
  149. ^ Veiga, p.68
  150. ^ Pop, p.47
  1. ^ Although "Zelea" is in fact a surname, not a middle name, dictionary entries generally refer to Codreanu as "Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea".


[129] ("Nineteen Roses") story, a view rejected outright by Călinescu.Nouăsprăzece trandafiri claimed that Codreanu inspired the character Ieronim Thanase in Eliade's Claudio Mutti The neofascist [129] The Legionary leader was portrayed in a poem by his follower Gyr, who notably spoke of Codreanu's death as a prelude to his

In November 1940, the Legionary journalist Ovid Ţopa, publishing in the Guard's newspaper Buna Vestire, claimed that Codreanu stood alongside the mythical Dacian prophet and "precursor of Christ" Zalmoxis, the 15th century Moldavian Prince Stephen the Great, and Romania's national poet Mihai Eminescu, as an essential figure of Romanian history and Romanian spirituality.[144] Other Legionary texts of the time drew a similar parallel between Codreanu, Eminescu, and the 18th century Transylvanian Romanian peasant leader Horea.[144] Thus, in 1937, sociologist Ernest Bernea had authored Cartea căpitanilor ("The Book of Captains"), where the preferred comparison was between Codreanu, Horea, and Horea's 19th century counterparts Tudor Vladimirescu and Avram Iancu.[145] Also in November 1940, Codreanu was the subject of a conference given by the young philosopher Emil Cioran and aired by the state-owned Romanian Radio, in which Cioran notably praised the Guard's leader for "having given Romania a purpose".[146] Other tribute pieces in various media came from other radical intellectuals of the period: Eliade, brothers Arşavir and Haig Acterian, Traian Brăileanu, Nichifor Crainic, N. Crevedia, Radu Gyr, Traian Herseni, Nae Ionescu, Constantin Noica, Petre P. Panaitescu, Marietta Sadova.[147]

Late in the 1930s, Codreanu's supporters began publishing books praising his virtues, among which are Vasile Marin's Crez de Generaţie ("Generation Credo") and Nicolae Roşu's Orientări în Veac ("Orientations in the Century"), both published in 1937.[141] After the National Legionary State officially hailed Corneliu Zelea Codreanu as a martyr to the cause, his image came to be used as a propaganda tool in cultural contexts. Codreanu was integrated into the Legionary cult of death: usually at Iron Guard rallies, Codreanu and other fallen members were mentioned and greeted with the shout Prezent! ("Present!").[49][142] His personality cult was reflected into Legionary art, and a stylized image of him was displayed at major rallies, including the notorious and large-scale Bucharest ceremony of October 6, 1940.[142] Although Codreanu was officially condemned by the communist regime a generation later, it is possible that, in its final stage under Nicolae Ceauşescu, it came to use the Captain's personality cult as a source of inspiration.[143] The post-communist Noua Dreaptă, which publicizes portraits of Codreanu in the form of Orthodox icons, often makes use of such representation in its public rallies, usually associating it with its own symbol, the Celtic cross.[135]

In cultural reference

In a Romanian Television poll conducted in 2006, Codreanu was voted the 22nd among 100 greatest Romanians, coming in between Steaua footballer Mirel Rădoi at number 21 and the interwar democratic politician Nicolae Titulescu at number 23.[140]

In the early 2000s, Gigi Becali, Romanian businessman, owner of the Steaua Bucureşti football club and president of the right-wing New Generation Party, said that he admires Codreanu and has otherwise made attempts to capitalize on Legionary symbols and rhetoric, such as adopting a slogan originally coined by the Iron Guard: "I vow to God that I shall make Romania in the likeness of the holy sun in the sky".[137][138] The statement, used by Becali during the 2004 presidential campaign, owed its inspiration to Legionary songs, was found in a much-publicized homage sent by Ion Moţa to his Captain in 1937,[138] and is also said to have been used by Codreanu himself.[137][139] As a result of it, Becali was argued to have broken the 2002 government ordinance banning the use of fascist discourse.[138] However, the Central Electoral Bureau rejected complaints against Becali, ruling that the slogan was not "identical" to the Legionary one.[138] During the same period, Becali, speaking live in front of Oglinda Television cameras, called for Codreanu to be canonized.[138] The station was fined 50 million lei by the National Audiovisual Council.[138]

[136][135] After the

In parallel, Codreanu is seen as a hero by representatives of the maverick Neo-Nazi movement known as Strasserism,[130] and in particular by the British-based Strasserist International Third Position (ITP), which uses one of Codreanu's statements as its motto.[131] Codreanu's activities and mystical interpretation of politics were probably an inspiration on Russian politician Alexander Barkashov, founder of the far right Russian National Unity.[132]

Codreanu had an enduring influence in Italy. His views and style were attested to have had an impact on the controversial Traditionalist philosopher and racial theorist Julius Evola. Evola himself met with Codreanu on one occasion, and, in the words of his friend, the writer and historian Mircea Eliade, was "dazzled".[124] Reportedly, the visit had been arranged by Eliade and philosopher Vasile Lovinescu, both of whom sympathized with the Iron Guard.[125] Their guest later wrote that the Iron Guard founder was: "one of the worthiest and spiritually best oriented figures that I ever met in the nationalist movements of the time."[126] According to De Felice, Codreanu has also become a main reference point for the Italian neofascist groups, alongside Evola and the ideologues of Nazism. He argues that this phenomenon, which tends to shadow references to Italian Fascism itself, is owed to Mussolini's failures in setting up "a true fascist state", and to the subsequent need of finding other role models.[127] Evola's disciple and prominent neofascist activist Franco Freda published several of Codreanu's essays at his Edizioni di Ar,[128] while their follower Claudio Mutti was noted for his pro-Legionary rhetoric.[129]

The movement was eventually toppled from power by Antonescu as a consequence of the Legionary Rebellion. The events associated with Sima's term in office resulted in the conflicted tendencies within the Legion and its contemporary successors: many "Codrenist" Legionaries claim to obey Codreanu and his father Ion Zelea, but not Sima, while, at the same time, the "Simist" faction claims to have followed Codreanu's guidance and inspiration in carrying out violent acts.[123]

Codreanu and modern-day political discourse

[122] Widowed for a second time, she spent her final years with her relatives in Moldavia.[122] Codreanu's wife Elena withdrew from the public eye after her husband's killing, but, after the

Led by Virgil Madgearu (see Jilava Massacre).[119] The widespread disorder brought the first open clash between Antonescu and the Legion.[120] During the events, Codreanu was posthumously exonerated of all charges by a Legionary tribunal.[121] His exhumation was a grandiose ceremony, marked by the participation of Romania's new ally, Nazi Germany — Luftwaffe planes dropped wreaths on Codreanu's open tomb.[110]

According to American journalist R. G. Waldeck, who was present in Romania in 1940-1941, Codreanu's violent killing only served to cement his popularity and aroused interest in his cause. She wrote: "To the Rumanian people the Capitano [that is, Căpitanul] remained a saint and a martyr and the apostle of a better Rumania. Even skeptical ones who did not agree with him in political matters still grew dreamy-eyed remembering Codreanu."[115] Historiographer Lucian Boia notes that Codreanu, his rival Carol II, and military leader Ion Antonescu were each in turn perceived as "savior" figures by the Romanian public, and that, unlike other such examples of popular men, they all preached totalitarianism.[116] Cioroianu also writes that Codreanu's death "whether or not paradoxically, would increase the personage's charisma and would turn him straight into a legend."[117] Attitudes similar to those described by Waldeck were relatively widespread among Romanian youths, many of whom came to join the Iron Guard out of admiration for the deceased Codreanu while still in middle or high school.[118]

The charismatic leadership represented by Codreanu has drawn comparisons with models favored by other leaders of far right and fascist movements, including Hitler and Benito Mussolini.[59][112] Payne and German historian Ernst Nolte proposed that, among European far rightists, Codreanu was most like Hitler in what concerns fanaticism.[112] In Payne's view, however, he was virtually unparalleled in demanding "self-destructiveness" from his followers.[112] Mayall, who admits the Legion "was inspired in large measure by National Socialism and fascism", argues that Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's vision of omul nou, although akin to the "new man" of Nazi and Italian doctrines, is characterized by an unparalleled focus on mysticism.[50] Historian Renzo De Felice, who dismisses the notion that Nazism and fascism are connected, also argues that, due to Legionary attack on "bourgeois values and institutions", which the fascist ideology wanted instead to "purify and perfect", Codreanu "was not, strictly speaking, a fascist."[113] Spanish historian Francisco Veiga argued that "fascization" was a process experienced by the Guard, accumulating traits over a more generic nationalist fiber.[114]

According to Adrian Cioroianu, Codreanu was "the most successful political and at the same time anti-political model of interwar Romania".[10] The Legion was described by British researcher Norman Davies as "one of Europe's more violent fascist movements."[110] Stanley G. Payne also argued that the Iron Guard was "probably the most unusual mass movement of interwar Europe", and noted that part of this was owed to Codreanu being "a sort of religious mystic",[65] while British historian James Mayall sees the Legion as "the most singular of the lesser fascist movements".[50]

1940 stamp issued by the National Legionary State and showing Codreanu. The caption reads: Captain, may you give the country the likeness of the Holy Sun [that shines] up in the sky

Lifetime influence and Legionary power


On November 30, it was announced that Codreanu, the Nicadori and the Decemviri had been shot after trying to flee custody the previous night.[109] The details were revealed much later: it is most likely that the fourteen persons had been transported from their prison and executed (strangled or garroted and shot) by the Gendarmerie around Tâncăbeşti (near Bucharest), and it was shown that their bodies had been buried in the courtyard of the Jilava prison.[110][111] Their bodies were dissolved in acid, and placed under seven tons of concrete.[110]

Codreanu's funeral, December 1940

In the autumn, following the successful Nazi German expansion into Central Europe which seemed to provide momentum for the Guard, and especially the international context provided by the Munich Agreement and the First Vienna Award, its clandestine leadership grew confident and published manifestos threatening King Carol.[3] Those members of the Iron Guard who escaped or were omitted in the first place started a violent campaign throughout Romania, meant to coincide with Carol's visit to Hitler at the Berghof, as a way to prevent the tentative approach between Romania and Nazi Germany; confident that Hitler was not determined on supporting the Legion, and irritated by the incidents, Carol ordered the decapitation of the movement.[108]

Codreanu was moved from Jilava to Doftana prison, where, despite the sentence, he was not required to perform any form of physical work.[3] The conditions of his detention improved, and he was allowed to regularly communicate with his family and subordinates.[3] At the time, he rejected all possibility of an escape, and ordered the Legion to refrain from violent acts.[3] However, the provisional leadership announced that he was faring badly, and threatened with more retaliation measures, to the point where the prison staff increased security as a means to prevent a potential break-in.[3]

He was eventually sentenced to ten years of Virgil Madgearu, who had become known for expressing his opposition to the movement's extremism (Madgearu managed to escape the violence unharmed).[3]

Sentencing and death

The two trials were marked by irregularities, and Codreanu accused the judges and prosecutors of conducting it in a "Bolshevik" manner, because he had not been allowed to speak in his own defence.[3] He sought the counsel of the prominent lawyers Istrate Micescu and Grigore Iunian, but was refused by both, and, as a consequence, his defence team comprised Legionary activists with little experience.[3] They were several times prevented by the authorities from preparing their pleas.[3] The conditions of his imprisonment were initially harsh: his cell was damp and cold, which caused him health problems.[3]

[3] and Premier of Romania.Conducător, who was later Ion Antonescu Of the people to give evidence in his favor at the trial, the best-known was General [3] Codreanu was tried for slander and sentenced to six months in jail, before the authorities indicted him for

Upon being informed of the indictment, he urged his followers not to take any action if he was going to be sentenced to less than six months in prison, stressing that he wanted to give an example of dignity, but ordered a group of Legionaries to defend him in case of an attack by the authorities.[3] He was arrested together with 44 other prominent members of the movement, including Ion Zelea Codreanu, Alexandru Cristian Tell, Radu Gyr, Nae Ionescu, Şerban Milcoveanu and Mihail Polihroniade, on the evening of April 16.[3] The crackdown coincided with the Orthodox celebration of Palm Sunday (when all those targeted were known to be in their homes).[3] After a short stay in the Romanian Police Prefecture, Codreanu was dispatched to Jilava prison, while the other prisoners were sent to Tismana Monastery (and later to concentration camps such as the one in Miercurea Ciuc).[3]

[106] and by writing Codreanu a letter which advised him to "descend in [his] conscience to find remorse" for "the amount of blood spilled over him".[105][3] The official and semi-official press began attacking Codreanu. He was thus virulently criticized by the magazine

Codreanu's designs were overturned by Carol, who deposed Goga, introducing his own Armand Călinescu (see National Renaissance Front). The ban on the Guard was again tightly enforced, with Călinescu ordering all public places known to have harbored Legion meetings to be closed down (including several restaurants in Bucharest).[103] Members of the movement were placed under close surveillance or arrested in cases where they did not abide by the new legislation, while civil servants risked arrest if they were caught spreading Iron Guard propaganda.[3]

Clash with the King and 1938 trials

The government alliance, unified as the National Christian Party, gave itself a blue-shirted paramilitary corps that borrowed heavily from the Legion — the Lăncieri[99] — and initiated an official campaign of persecution of Jews, attempting to win back the interest the public had in the Iron Guard.[100] After much violence, Codreanu was approached by Goga and agreed to have his party withdraw from campaigning in the scheduled elections of 1938,[101] believing that, in any event, the regime had no viable solution and would wear itself out — while attempting to profit from the king's authoritarianism by showing his willingness to integrate any possible single-party system.[102]

The Legion was excluded from political coalitions by nominally fascist King Carol, who preferred newly formed subservient movements and the revived National-Christian Defense League.[98] Cuza created his antisemitic government together with poet Jewish Question".[3]

In the elections of 1937, when it signed an electoral pact with the National Peasants' Party with the goal of preventing the government from making use of electoral fraud, the Guard received 15.5% of the vote[3][96] (occasionally rounded up at 16%).[77] Despite the failure to win the majority bonus, Codreanu's movement was, at the time, the third political option in Romanian politics, the only one whose appeal was shown to be growing in 1937-1938, and by far the most popular fascist group.[97]

After the consequent ban on paramilitary groups, the Legion turned into a political party, running in elections as Totul Pentru Ţară ("Everything for the Country"). Shortly afterwards, Codreanu went on record stating his contempt for Romania's alliances in Eastern Europe, in particular the Little Entente and the Balkan Pact, and indicating that, 48 hours after his movement came into power, the country would be aligned with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.[94] Reportedly, such trust and confidence was reciprocated by both German officials and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano, the latter of whom viewed Goga's cabinet as a transition to the Iron Guard's rule.[95]

"Everything for the Country"

It was during that period that the Guard came to be financed by Nicolae Malaxa (otherwise known as a prominent collaborator of Carol),[91] and became interested in reforming itself to reach an even wider audience: Codreanu created a meritocratic inner structure of ranks, established a wide range of philanthropic ventures, again voiced themes which appealed to the industrial workers, and created Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar, as a Legion branch which grouped members of the working class.[92] King Carol met difficulties in preserving his rule after being faced with a decline in the appeal of the more traditional parties, and, as Tătărescu's term approached its end, he made a bold offer to Codreanu, demanding leadership of the Legion in exchange for a Legion cabinet; he was promptly refused.[93]

The year was also marked by the deaths and ostentatious funerals of Moţa (by then, the movement's vice president) and Vasile Marin, who had volunteered on Francisco Franco's side in the Spanish Civil War and had been killed in the Majadahonda battle.[89] Codreanu also published his autobiographical and ideological essay Pentru legionari ("For the Legionaries" or "For My Legionaries").[90]

Some time after the start of Ion Inculeţ's leadership of the Internal Affairs Ministry, repression of the Legion ceased, a measure which reflected Carol's hope to ensure a new period of stability.[86] In 1936, during a youth congress in Târgu Mureş, Codreanu agreed to the formation of a permanent Death Squad, which immediately showed its goals with the killing of Mihai Stelescu by a group deemed Decemviri (led by Ion Caratănase),[87] neutralizing the Crusade's campaign of exposing the Guard's weaknesses, and silencing Stelescu's claims that Codreanu was hypocritical in his official display of ascetism, politically corrupt, uncultured, and a plagiarist.[88]

imposed in the country; he was acquitted yet again. martial law Codreanu's resurgence brought arrest and prosecution under the [85], Carol's mistress, implying that the Guard was becoming corrupt ("She was a person adverse to your action. How did you get along so well?").Magda Lupescu, later alleged that he had been given refuge by a cousin of Crusade of Romanianism Stelescu, who soon became Codreanu's adversary as head of the [84] Codreanu had to go into hiding at a secret location, waiting for things to calm down and delegating leadership to General

The authorities became truly concerned with the revolutionary potential of the Legion, and minor clashes in 1932 between the two introduced what became, from 1933, almost a decade of major political violence. The situation degenerated after Codreanu expressed his full support for Adolf Hitler and nazism (even to the detriment of Italian fascism,[78] and probably an added source for the conflict between the Captain and Stelescu).[79] A new National Liberal cabinet, formed by Ion G. Duca, moved against such initiatives, stating that the Legion was acting as a puppet of the German Nazi Party, and ordering that a huge number of Legionaries be arrested just prior to the new elections in 1933 (which the Liberals won).[80] Some of the men held in custody were killed by authorities.[81] The main effect of this was the killing of Duca by the Iron Guard's Nicadori on December 30.[82] Another one was the very first crackdown on non-affiliated sympathizers of the Iron Guard, after the group around Nae Ionescu decided to voice protests against the repression.[83]

Clash with Duca and truce with Tătărescu

He quickly became noted for exposing corruption of ministers and other politicians on a case-by-case basis (although several of his political adversaries at the time described him as bland and incompetent).[76]

[77] The Legion had won five seats in all, which was its first important electoral gain.[76], a young activist who ultimately came into conflict with the Legion; it is likely that the new Vaida-Voevod cabinet gave tacit support to the Group in subsequent partial elections.Mihai Stelescu (the provisional name for the Guard), together with other prominent members of his original movement — including Ion Zelea, his father, and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Grouping on the lists of the Chamber of Deputies Codreanu was consequently elected to [74] Having been boosted by the

Codreanu felt he had to amend the purpose of the movement after more than two years of stagnation: he and the leadership of the movement started touring rural regions, addressing the churchgoing illiterate population with the rhetoric of Minister of the Interior Ion Mihalache (January 1931); again arrested, Codreanu was acquitted in late February.[74]

First outlawing and parliamentary mandate

By then also an anticapitalist, he identified in Jewry the common source of economic liberalism and communism, both seen as internationalist forces manipulated by a Judaic conspiracy.[67] As an opponent of modernization and materialism, he only vaguely indicated that his movement's economic goals implied a non-Marxian form of collectivism,[65] and presided over his followers' initiatives to set up various cooperatives.[68]

From early on, the movement registered significant gains among the middle-class and educated youth.[63] However, according to various commentators, Codreanu won his most significant following in the rural environment, which in part reflected the fact that he and most other Legionary leaders were first-generation urban dwellers.[64] British historian of fascism Stanley G. Payne, who noted that the Legion benefited from the 400% increase in university enrollment ("proportionately more than anywhere else in Europe"), has described the Captain and his network of disciples as "a revolutionary alliance of students and poor peasants", which centered on the "new underemployed intelligentsia prone to radical nationalism".[65] Thus, a characteristic trait of the newly founded movement was the young age of its leaders: later records show that the average age of the Legionary elite was 27.4.[66]

[59].Danube and the Carpathians) and planning a Romanian-led transnational federation centered on the Transnistria (in the region later annexed under the name of Dniester lands over the Soviet Codreanu also voiced his thoughts on the issue of Romanian expansionism, which show that he was pondering the incorporation of [59]).Hungarian community, and formed part of Codreanu's theory that the Romanians were biologically distinct and superior to neighbouring or co-inhabiting ethnicities (including the racial antisemitism The model favoured by the Legion was a form of [62] Codreanu's message was among the most radical forms of Romanian antisemitism, and contrasted with the generally more moderate antisemitic views of Cuza's former associate, prominent historian

He began openly calling for the destruction of Jews,[58][59] and, as early as 1927, the new movement organized the sacking and burning of a synagogue in the city of Oradea.[60] It thus profited from an exceptional popularity of antisemitism in Romanian society: according to one analysis, Romania was, with the exception of Poland, the most antisemitic country in Eastern Europe.[61]

Despite its apparent lack of political messages, the movement was immediately noted for its antisemitism, for arguing that Romania was faced with a "Jewish Question" and for proclaiming that a Jewish presence throve on uncouthness and pornography.[54] The Legionary leader wrote: "The historical mission of our generation is the resolution of the kike problem. All of our battles of the past 15 years have had this purpose, all of our life's efforts from now on will have this purpose."[55] He accused the Jews in general of attempting to destroy what he claimed was a direct link between Romania and God, and the Legion campaigned in favor of the notion that there was no actual connection between the Old Testament Hebrews and the modern Jews.[56] In one instance, making a reference to the origin of the Romanians, Codreanu stated that Jews were corrupting the "Roman-Dacian structure of our people."[57]

Such a mystical focus, Jelavich noted, was in tandem with a marked preoccupation for violence and self-sacrifice, "but only if the [acts of terror] were committed for the good of the cause and subsequently expiated."[41] Legionaries engaged in violent or murderous acts often turned themselves in to be arrested,[47] and it became common that violence was seen as a necessary step in a world that expected a Second Coming of Christ.[48] With time, the Legion developed a doctrine around a cult of the fallen, going so far as to imply that the dead continued to form an integral part of a perpetual national community.[49][50] As a consequence of its mysticism, the movement made a point of not adopting or advertising any particular platform,[51] and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu explained early on: "The country is dying for lack of men and not for lack of political programs."[52] Elsewhere, he pointed out that the Legion was interested in the creation of a "new man" (omul nou).[53]

Based on Frăţia de Cruce, he designed as a selective and autarkic group, paying allegiance to him and no other, and soon expanded into a replicating network of political cells called "nests" (cuiburi).[40] Frăţia endured as the Legion's most secretive and highest body, which requested from its members that they undergo a rite of passage, during which they swore allegiance to the Captain.[14] According to American historian Barbara Jelavich, the movement "at first supported no set ideology, but instead emphasized the moral regeneration of the individual", while expressing a commitment to the Romanian Orthodox Church.[41] The Legion introduced Orthodox rituals as part of its political rallies,[42] while Codreanu made his public appearances dressed in folk costume[43] — a traditionalist pose adopted at the time only by him and the National Peasant Party's Ion Mihalache.[44] Throughout its existence, the Legion maintained strong links with members of the Romanian Orthodox clergy,[45] and its members fused politics with an original interpretation of Romanian Orthodox messages — including claims that the Romanian kin was expecting its national salvation, in a religious sense.[46]

He returned from Grenoble to take part in the 1926 elections, and ran as a candidate for the town of Focşani. He lost, and, although it had had a considerable success, the League disbanded in the same year.[38] Codreanu gathered former members of the League who had spent time in prison, and put into practice his dream of forming the Legion (November 1927, just a few days after the fall of a new Averescu cabinet, which had continued to support Cuza).[39]

Creation of the Legion

Although he was purposely tried as far away from Iaşi as Turnu Severin, the authorities managed to find no neutral jury.[35] On the day he was acquitted, members of the jury, who deliberated for five minutes in all, showed up wearing badges with League symbols and swastikas (the symbol in use by Cuza's League).[36] After a triumphal return and the ostentatious wedding to Elena Ilinoiu,[37] Codreanu clashed with Cuza for a second time and decided to defuse tensions by taking a leave to France. Before leaving, he was the victim of an assassination attempt — Moţa, just returned from prison, was given another short sentence after he led the reprisals.

After an interval when he retreated from any political activity, Codreanu took revenge on Manciu, assassinating him and severely wounding some other policemen on October 24,[32] in the Iaşi Tribunal building (where Manciu had been called to answer accusations, after one of Codreanu's comrades had filed a complaint).[33] Forensics have shown that Manciu was not facing his killer at the moment of his death, which prompted Codreanu to indicate that he considered himself in self-defense based solely on Manciu's earlier actions.[33] Codreanu turned himself in immediately after having fired his gun, and awaited trial in custody.[33] In the meantime, the issue was brought up in the Parliament of Romania by the Peasant Party's Paul Bujor, who first made a proposal to review legislation dealing with political violence and sedition; it won the approval of the governing National Liberal Party, which, on December 19, passed the Mârzescu Law[33] (named after its proponent, Mârzescu, who had been appointed Minister of Justice) — it most notable, if indirect, effect was the banning of the Communist Party. In October and November debates between members of Parliament became heated, and Cuza's group was singled out as morally responsible for the murder: Petre Andrei stated that "Mr. Cuza aimed and Codreanu fired",[34] to which Cuza replied by claiming his innocence, while theorizing that Manciu's brutality was a justifiable cause for violent retaliation.[33]

Back in Iaşi, he created his own system of allegiance within the League, starting with Frăţia de Cruce ("Brotherhood of the Cross", named after a variant of blood brotherhood which requires sermon with a cross).[29] It gathered on May 6, 1924, in the countryside around Iaşi, starting work on the building of a student center. This meeting was violently broken up by the authorities on orders from Romanian Police prefect Constantin Manciu.[30] Codreanu and several others were allegedly beaten and tormented for several days, until Cuza's intervention on their behalf proved effective.[31]

Codreanu clashed with Cuza on the issue of the League's structure: he demanded that it develop a Archangel Michael. This was said to be in honor of an Orthodox icon that adorned the walls of the prison church,[28] or more specifically linked to Codreanu's reported claim of having been visited by the Archangel himself.[14]

Manciu's killing

[26] that had not been assigned a definite date. Before the jury ended deliberation, Moţa shot the traitor and was given a prison sentence himself.conspiracies In October 1923, he was betrayed by one of his associates, arrested and put on trial. He and the other plotters were soon acquitted, as Romanian legislation did not allow for prosecution of [25] With the granting of full rights of


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