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Foreign relations of Russia

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Title: Foreign relations of Russia  
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Foreign relations of Russia

Diplomatic relations between world states and Russia
  Nations hosting a diplomatic mission of Russia
  Nations that Russia does not have a diplomatic mission in

The foreign relations of Russia is the policy of the Russian Federation since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in late 1991. For the Russian Empire to 1917 see Russian Empire.


  • NATO and the European Union 1
  • Former Soviet Republics 2
  • Mediation in international conflicts 3
  • Territorial disputes 4
  • International membership 5
  • Vladimir Putin's policies 6
    • Current issues 6.1
  • Global Opinion 7
  • See also 8
  • References 9
  • Further reading 10
  • External links 11

NATO and the European Union

North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). It signed the NATO Partnership for Peace initiative on 22 June 1994. On 20 May 1997, NATO and Russia signed the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which the parties hoped would provide the basis for an enduring and robust partnership between the Alliance and Russia—one that could make an important contribution to European security architecture in the 21st century, though already at the time of its signing doubts were cast on whether this accord could deliver on these ambitious goals.[1] This agreement was superseded by the NATO–Russia Council that was agreed at the Reykjavik Ministerial and unveiled at the Rome NATO Summit in May 2002. On 24 June 1994, Russia and the European Union (EU) signed a partnership and cooperation agreement.

Former Soviet Republics

The non-Russian countries that were once part of the USSR have been termed the 'Commonwealth of Independent States. The following years, Russia initiated a set of agreements with the Post-Soviet states which were designed to institutionalize the relations inside the CIS. However, most of these agreements were not fulfilled and the CIS republics began to drift away from Russia, which at that time was attempting to stabilize its broken economy and ties with the West.[3]

Vladimir Putin and the Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, 12 April 2011

One of the major issues which had an influence on the foreign relations of Russia in FSU was the remaining large Russian minority populations in many countries of the near abroad. This issue has been dealt with in various ways by each individual country. They have posed a particular problem in countries where they live close to the Russian border, such as in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, with some of these Russians calling for these areas to be absorbed into Russia. By and large, however, Russians in the near-abroad do not favor active intervention of Russia into the domestic affairs of neighboring countries, even in defense of the interests of ethnic Russians.[4] Moreover, the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) have clearly signaled their desire to be outside any claimed Russian sphere of influence, as is reflected by their joining both the NATO alliance and the European Union in 2004.

Close cultural, ethnic and historical links exist between Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. The traditional Russian perspective is that they are one ethnic group, with Russians called 'Great Russians', Belarusians 'White Russians' and Ukrainians 'Little Russians'. This manifested itself in lower levels of nationalism in these areas, particularly Belarus and Ukraine, during the disintegration of the Soviet Union. However, few Ukrainians accept a "younger brother" status relative to Russia, and Russia's efforts to insert itself into Ukrainian domestic politics, such as Putin's endorsement of a candidate for the Ukrainian presidency in the last election, are contentious.

Russia maintains its military bases in Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Ukraine (Crimea) and Tajikistan.

Russia's relationships with Commonwealth of Independent States.

Russia's relations with Ukraine, since 2013, are also at their lowest point in history as a result of the pro-Western Verkhovna Rada to withdraw from the Commonwealth of Independent States, and Kyiv has begun the process of doing so.

In June 2015, a Chatham House report stated that Russia used "a wide range of hostile measures against its neighbours", including energy cut-offs, trade embargoes, subversive use of Russian minorities, malicious cyber activity, co-option of business and political elites, and frozen conflicts.[5]

Mediation in international conflicts

Russia has played an important role in helping mediate international conflicts and has been particularly actively engaged in trying to promote a peace following the Kosovo conflict. Russia's foreign minister claimed on 25 February 2008 that NATO and the European Union have been considering using force to keep Serbs from leaving Kosovo following the 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence.[6]

Russia is a co-sponsor of the Middle East peace process and supports UN and multilateral initiatives in the Moldova, Tajikistan, and Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.

Russia supported, on 16 May 2007, the set up of the international tribunal to try the suspects in the murder of the Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafiq Hariri.[7]

Territorial disputes

Throughout history, there have been many territorial disputes concerning the Russian Federation.

  • The Kuril Islands dispute concerns the islands of Iturup, Kunashir, and Shikotan and the Khabomai group had belonged to Russian Empire until the Russo-Japanese War, when Russia lost them and the south part of the Sakhalin island. Russia (the Soviet Union) got them back at the end of the WWII during the 1945 Yalta Conference, when the Allies agreed to the cession of the islands to the USSR. However, this stipulation was not included in the treaty of Capitulation of Japan which later gave Japan a chance to demand the return of the "controversial northern territories".
  • Disputes over the boundary with the People's Republic of China were finally resolved on 21 July 2008. On that day the Foreign Ministers of the two countries signed an agreement in Beijing. Under the agreement, Russia ceded approximately 174 km² of territory to China.[8] The territory transferred comprised Tarabarov Island and approximately half of Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island. The area transferred was largely uninhabited.[9] The settlement of their border dispute followed over 40 years of negotiations. The final settlement was the result of the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation which was concluded on 2 June 2005 and signed by Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing and his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov. This followed talks in Vladivostok. There is now no border dispute between Russia and China along their 4300 km border.
  • Caspian Sea boundaries are not yet determined among all littoral states. Issues between Russia and the states bordering it – Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan – were settled in 2003. Russia has no common land or Caspian-sea border with Turkmenistan and Iran, which do not agree with the Caspian Sea settlements.
  • Estonian and Russian negotiators reached a technical border agreement in December 1996. The border treaty was initialed in 1999. On 18 May 2005 Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet and his Russian colleague Sergei Lavrov signed in Moscow the “Treaty between the Government of the Republic of Estonia and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Estonian-Russian border” and the “Treaty between the Government of the Republic of Estonia and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Delimitation of the Maritime Zones in the Gulf of Finland and the Gulf of Narva”. On 20 June 2005 the Riigikogu (Estonian Parliament) ratified the signed treaties by adopting ratification act,[10] objected by Russia. The President of Estonia Arnold Rüütel announced them on 22 June 2005. As the preamble of the ratification act mentioned the Tartu peace treaty, Russia interpreted this as in theory giving Estonia a right to claim some territories of Pskov and Leningrad Oblast of Russia later.[11] On 31 August 2005 Russian President Vladimir Putin gave a written order to the Russian Foreign Ministry to notify the Estonian side of “Russia’s intention not to participate in the border treaties between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Estonia". On 6 September 2005 the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation forwarded a note to Estonia, in which Russia informed that it did not intend to become a party to the border treaties between Estonia and Russia and did not consider itself bound by the circumstances concerning the object and the purposes of the treaties.[11]
    People rally against the annexation of Crimea, in Moscow, Russia, 15 March 2014
  • Russia has made no territorial claim in Antarctica (but has reserved the right to do so) and does not recognize the claims of any other nation. The Soviet Union signed the Antarctic Treaty in 1960.
  • Disputes over the boundary with Georgia relating to Russia's recognition of Georgian regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states, due to the 2008 South Ossetia war and which has led to the severance of all diplomatic relations between them.
  • Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, Moscow refused to recognise Ukrainian sovereignty over Sevastopol as well as over the surrounding Crimean oblast, using the argument that the city was never practically integrated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic because of its military status. This claim was relinquished in the bilateral Peace and Friendship Treaty, which confirmed that both the Crimea and Sevastopol belong to Ukraine. A separate treaty established the terms of a long-term lease of land and resources in and around Sevastopol by Russia. In the 2014 Crimean crisis of early 2014 Crimea was annexed by Russia.[12][13] Since then status of the Crimea and of the city of Sevastopol is currently under dispute between Russia and Ukraine; Ukraine and the majority of the UN members consider Crimea to be an autonomous republic of Ukraine and Sevastopol to be one of Ukraine's cities with special status, while Russia and other UN members, on the other hand, considers Crimea to be a federal subject of Russia and Sevastopol to be one of Russia's federal cities.[12][13] On 31 March 2014 the State Duma approved the denunciation of the above-mentioned Peace and Friendship Treaty and long-term lease of land in Sevastopol.[14]

International membership

Membership in International Organizations:[15]

Russia holds a permanent seat, which grants it veto power, on the Security Council of the United Nations (UN). Prior to 1991, the Soviet Union held Russia's UN seat, but, after the breakup of the Soviet Union the Russian government informed the United Nations that Russia will continue the Soviet Union's membership at the United Nations and all other UN organs.

Russia is an active member of numerous UN system organizations, including the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

Russia also participates in some of the most important UN peacekeeping missions including the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Russia also holds memberships in the Zangger Committee

Vladimir Putin's policies

Vladimir Putin's presidency lasted from January 2000 until May 2008 and again from 2012. In international affairs, Putin made increasingly critical public statements regarding the foreign policy of the United States and other Western countries. In February 2007, at the annual Munich Conference on Security Policy, he criticised what he called the United States' monopolistic dominance in global relations, and pointed out that the United States displayed an "almost uncontained hyper use of force in international relations". He said the result of it is that "no one feels safe! Because no one can feel that international law is like a stone wall that will protect them. Of course such a policy stimulates an arms race.".[16][17]

Putin proposed certain initiatives such as establishing international centres for the enrichment of uranium and prevention of deploying weapons in outer space.[16] In a January 2007 interview Putin said Russia is in favour of a democratic multipolar world and of strengthening the system of international law.[18]

While Putin is often characterised as an Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, former French President Jacques Chirac, and former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi are reported to be personally friendly. Putin's relationship with Germany's new Chancellor, Angela Merkel, is reported to be "cooler" and "more business-like" than his partnership with Gerhard Schröder, who accepted a job with a Russian-led consortium after vacating office.[21]

In the wake of the 11 September attacks on the United States, he agreed to the establishment of coalition military bases in Central Asia before and during the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. Russian nationalists objected to the establishment of any US military presence on the territory of the former Soviet Union, and had expected Putin to keep the US out of the Central Asian republics, or at the very least extract a commitment from Washington to withdraw from these bases as soon as the immediate military necessity had passed.

During the George W. Bush asked the United Nations to lift sanctions on Iraq. Putin supported lifting of the sanctions in due course, arguing that the UN commission first be given a chance to complete its work on the search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

In 2005, Putin and former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder negotiated the construction of a major gas pipeline over the Baltic exclusively between Russia and Germany. Schröder also attended Putin's 53rd birthday in Saint Petersburg the same year.

The Commonwealth of Independent States [ (CIS), seen in Moscow as its traditional sphere of influence, became one of the foreign policy priorities under Putin, as the EU and NATO have grown to encompass much of Central Europe and, more recently, the Baltic states.

During the Moldova, both former Soviet republics accusing Moscow of supporting separatist entities in their territories.

Putin's visit to the Czech Republic: meeting with prime minister Jiří Paroubek, 2006

Russia's relations with the Baltic states also remain tense. In 2007, Russo-Estonian relations deteriorated further as a result of the Bronze Soldier controversy.[22]

Putin took an active personal part in promoting the Act of Canonical Communion with the Moscow Patriarchate signed 17 May 2007 that restored relations between the Moscow-based Russian Orthodox Church and Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia after the 80-year schism.[23]

President of Russia visited Serbia, 2009

In his annual address to the Federal Assembly on 26 April 2007, Putin announced plans to declare a moratorium on the observance of the Sergey Lavrov was quoted as saying in response that "Russia has long since fulfilled all its Istanbul obligations relevant to CFE".[25] Russia has suspended its participation in the CFE as of midnight Moscow time on 11 December 2007.[26][27] On 12 December 2007, the United States officially said it "deeply regretted the Russian Federation's decision to 'suspend' implementation of its obligations under the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE)." State Department spokesman Sean McCormack, in a written statement, added that "Russia's conventional forces are the largest on the European continent, and its unilateral action damages this successful arms control regime."[28] NATO's primary concern arising from Russia's suspension is that Moscow could now accelerate its military presence in the Northern Caucasus.[29]

The months following Putin's Cold War-style threats."[31]

British historian Max Hastings described Putin as "Stalin's spiritual heir" in his article "Will we have to fight Russia in this Century?".[32] British academic Norman Stone in his article "No wonder they like Putin" compared Putin to General Charles de Gaulle.[33] Adi Ignatius argues that "Putin... is not a Stalin. There are no mass purges in Russia today, no broad climate of terror. But Putin is reconstituting a strong state, and anyone who stands in his way will pay for it".[34] In the same article, Hastings continues that although "a return to the direct military confrontation of the Cold War is unlikely", "the notion of Western friendship with Russia is a dead letter"[32] Both Russian and American officials always denied the idea of a new Cold War. So, the US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said yet on the Munich Conference: "We all face many common problems and challenges that must be addressed in partnership with other countries, including Russia.... One Cold War was quite enough."[35] Vladimir Putin said prior to 33rd G8 Summit, on 4 June 2007: "we do not want confrontation; we want to engage in dialogue. However, we want a dialogue that acknowledges the equality of both parties’ interests."[36]

Putin publicly opposed to a Azerbaijan rather than building a new system in Poland and the Czech Republic. Putin expressed readiness to modernize the Gabala radar station, which has been in operation since 1986. Putin proposed it would not be necessary to place interceptor missiles in Poland then, but interceptors could be placed in NATO member Turkey or Iraq. Putin suggested also equal involvement of interested European countries in the project.[37]

In a 4 June 2007, interview to journalists of G8 countries, when answering the question of whether Russian nuclear forces may be focused on European targets in case "the United States continues building a strategic shield in Poland and the Czech Republic", Putin admitted that "if part of the United States’ nuclear capability is situated in Europe and that our military experts consider that they represent a potential threat then we will have to take appropriate retaliatory steps. What steps? Of course we must have new targets in Europe."[36][38][39]

The end of 2006 brought strained relations between Russia and Britain in the wake of the death of a former FSB officer in London by poisoning. On 20 July 2007 UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown expelled "four Russian envoys over Putin's refusal to extradite ex-KGB agent Andrei Lugovoi, wanted in the UK for the murder of fellow former spy Alexander Litvinenko in London."[40] The Russian constitution prohibits the extradition of Russian nationals to third countries. British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said that "this situation is not unique, and other countries have amended their constitutions, for example to give effect to the European Arrest Warrant".[41]

Miliband's statement was widely publicized by Russian media as a British proposal to change the Russian constitution.[42][43][44] According to VCIOM, 62% of Russians are against changing the Constitution in this respect.[45] The British Ambassador in Moscow Tony Brenton said that the UK is not asking Russia to break its Constitution, but rather interpret it in such a way that would make Lugovoi's extradition possible.[46] Putin, in response, advised British officials to "fix their heads" rather than propose changing the Russian constitution[44][47] and said that the British proposals were "a relic of a colonial-era mindset".[48]

When Litvinenko was dying from radiation poisoning, he allegedly accused Putin of directing the assassination in a statement which was released shortly after his death by his friend Alex Goldfarb.[49] Critics have doubted that Litvinenko is the true author of the released statement.[50][51] When asked about the Litvinenko accusations, Putin said that a statement released posthumously of its author "naturally deserves no comment".[52]

The expulsions were seen as "the biggest rift since the countries expelled each other's diplomats in 1996 after a spying dispute."[40] In response to the situation, Putin stated "I think we will overcome this mini-crisis. Russian-British relations will develop normally. On both the Russian side and the British side, we are interested in the development of those relations."[40] Despite this, British Ambassador Tony Brenton was told by the Russian Foreign Ministry that UK diplomats would be given 10 days before they were expelled in response. The Russian government also announced that it would suspend issuing visas to UK officials and froze cooperation on counterterrorism in response to Britain suspending contacts with their Federal Security Service.[40]

Alexander Shokhin, president of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs warned that British investors in Russia will "face greater scrutiny from tax and regulatory authorities. [And] They could also lose out in government tenders".[40] Some see the crisis as originating with Britain's decision to grant Putin's former patron, Russian billionaire Boris Berezovsky, political asylum in 2003.[40] Earlier in 2007, Berezovsky had called for the overthrow of Putin.[40]

Leaders of the 33rd G8 summit in Heiligendamm, Germany
Presidents Bush and Putin at the 33rd G8 summit, June 2007.

On 10 December 2007, Russia ordered the British Council to halt work at its regional offices in what was seen as the latest round of a dispute over the murder of Alexander Litvinenko; Britain said Russia's move was illegal.[53]

SCO and CSTO members

Following the Peace Mission 2007 military exercises jointly conducted by the [54] Russian Chief of the General Staff Yury Baluyevsky was quoted as saying that "there should be no talk of creating a military or political alliance or union of any kind, because this would contradict the founding principles of SCO".[56]

The resumption of long-distance flights of Russia's strategic bombers was followed by the announcement by Russian Defense Minister Anatoliy Serdyukov during his meeting with Putin on 5 December 2007, that 11 ships, including the aircraft carrier Kuznetsov, would take part in the first major navy sortie into the Mediterranean since Soviet times.[58] The sortie was to be backed up by 47 aircraft, including strategic bombers.[59] According to Serdyukov, this is an effort to resume regular Russian naval patrols on the world's oceans, the view that is also supported by Russian media.[60] The military analyst from Novaya Gazeta Pavel Felgenhauer believes that the accident-prone Kuznetsov is scarcely seaworthy and is more of a menace to her crew than any putative enemy.[61]

In September 2007, Putin visited Indonesia and in doing so became the first Russian leader to visit the country in more than 50 years.[62] In the same month, Putin also attended the APEC meeting held in Sydney, Australia where he met with Australian Prime Minister John Howard and signed a uranium trade deal. This was the first visit of a Russian president to Australia.

On 16 October 2007 Putin visited Tehran, Iran to participate in the Second Caspian Summit,[63] where he met with Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.[64] Other participants were leaders of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.[65] This is the first visit of a leader from the Kremlin to Iran since Joseph Stalin's participation in the Tehran Conference in 1943.[66][67] At a press conference after the summit Putin said that "all our (Caspian) states have the right to develop their peaceful nuclear programmes without any restrictions".[68] During the summit it was also agreed that its participants, under no circumstances, would let any third-party state use their territory as a base for aggression or military action against any other participant.[63]

On 26 October 2007, at a press conference following the 20th Russia-EU Summit in Portugal, Putin proposed to create a Russian-European Institute for Freedom and Democracy headquartered either in Brussels or in one of the European capitals, and added that "we are ready to supply funds for financing it, just as Europe covers the costs of projects in Russia".[69] This newly proposed institution is expected to monitor human rights violations in Europe and contribute to development of European democracy.[70]

Leaders of the BRICS nations at the G-20 summit in Brisbane, 15 November 2014

Russian President Stratfor, takes an opposite view, arguing that both the war and Russian foreign policy have been successful in expanding Russia's influence.[73]

In July 2012 Putin said in address during a meeting with Russian ambassadors in Moscow:


Current issues

Vladimir Putin, Petro Poroshenko, Angela Merkel and Francois Hollande, 17 October 2014

In late 2013, Russian-American relations were at a low point. The United States canceled a summit (for the first time since 1960), after Putin gave asylum to Edward Snowden. Washington regarded Russia as obstructionist and a spoiler regarding to Syria as Russia backs Assad. Europe needs Russian gas, but worries about interference in the affairs of Central and Eastern Europe. Russia remains angry over the expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe. The current Russian government argues that western leaders promised that NATO would not expand beyond its 90s borders. Japan and Russia remain at odds over the ownership of the Kurile islands, this dispute has hindered closer cooperation for decades.

Global Opinion

Pew Research Center indicated that (as of 2014) only 5 surveyed countries have a positive view (50% or above) of Russia. The top ten most positive countries are Vietnam (75%),India (67%), China (66%), Greece (61%), Bangladesh (60%), Tanzania (49%), Kenya (49%), Thailand (48%), Philippines (46%), Nicaragua (45%), and Lebanon (45%). While ten surveyed countries have the most negative view (Below 50%) of Russia. With the countries being Spain (7%), Pakistan (11%), Poland (12%), Turkey (16%), Argentina (19%), Germany (19%), United States (19%), Italy (20%), Mexico (21%), and Jordan (22%). Russian's own view of Russia was overwhelmingly positive at 92%.[75]

See also


  1. ^
  2. ^ See Vladimir Socor, "Kremlin Refining Policy in 'Post-Soviet Space'," Eurasia Daily Monitor (7 February 2005).
  3. ^ Two Decades of the Russian Federation’s Foreign Policy in the Commonwealth of Independent States: The Cases of Belarus and Ukraine, p. 17
  4. ^ Lowell W. Barrington, Erik S. Herron, and Brian D. Silver, "The Motherland Is Calling: Views of Homeland among Russians in the Near Abroad," World Politics 55, No. 2 (2003) : 290–313.
  5. ^
  6. ^ Russia warns EU over Serbs in Kosovo at the Wayback Machine (archived February 26, 2008)
  7. ^ [1] Archived 11 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine
  8. ^
  9. ^
  10. ^ [2] Archived 21 July 2015 at the Wayback Machine
  11. ^ a b Izvestia: "Moscow dissolves the border treaty with Estonia" (in Russian)
  12. ^ a b
  13. ^ a b
  14. ^ State Duma approves denunciation of Russian-Ukrainian agreements on Black Sea Fleet, ITAR-TASS (31 March 2014)
  15. ^ China, CIA World Factbook
  16. ^ a b c 43rd Munich Conference on Security Policy. Putin's speech in English, 10 February 2007.
  17. ^ Liquid Courage, The American. By Charlie Szrom and Thomas Brugato. [3], 22 February 2008. See also Brugato, Thomas. (2008). Drunk On Oil: Russian Foreign Policy 2000–2007. Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2). Retrieved from:
  18. ^ Interview for Indian Television Channel Doordarshan and Press Trust of India News Agency, 18 January 2007.
  19. ^ by Robert KaganStand Up to Putin. The Washington Post 15 September 2004
  20. ^ [4] Archived 4 January 2014 at the Wayback Machine
  21. ^ Merkel cools Berlin Moscow ties BBC News 16 January 2006
  22. ^ In this connection it is worth of mention that Putin's father, an NKVD officer, was nearly killed in Estonia, while on a sabotage mission during World War II . The fact may have had some influence on Vladimir Putin's attitudes, as suggested by Lynn Berry in the article “Behind Putin's Estonia Complex” (in Moscow Times, 25 May 2007).
  23. ^
  24. ^ a b Annual Address to the Federal Assembly, 26 April 2007, Kremlin, Moscow
  25. ^ Lavrov Announced Conditions of Resuming CFE Observance, 3 December 2007,
  26. ^
  27. ^
  28. ^
  29. ^
  30. ^ Speech at the Military Parade Celebrating the 62nd Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, Red Square, Moscow, 9 May 2007
  31. ^ Putin is playing a dangerous game By Anne Applebaum, 05/06/2007
  32. ^ a b A blundering Bush, Tsar Putin, and the question: will we, in this century, have to fight Russia? by Max Hastings, 5 June 2007, Daily Mail
  33. ^ No wonder they like Putin. by Norman Stone The Times 4 December 2007.
  34. ^ Person of the Year 2007: A Tsar Is Born by Adi Ignatius, Retrieved on 19 December 2007,
  35. ^ Speech of Robert M. Gates, Munich Conference on Security Policy, Germany, February 11, 2007. U.S. Department of Defense
  36. ^ a b
  37. ^ Press Conference following the end of the G8 Summit, 8 June 2007
  38. ^ Doug Sanders, "Putin threatens to target Europe with missiles", The Globe and Mail, 2 June 2007
  39. ^ Asymmetrical Iskander missile systems, RIA Novosti, 15 November 2007
  40. ^ a b c d e f g
  41. ^ David Miliband's oral statement to the Commons on the Litvinenko case, 16 July 2007
  42. ^ Lugovoi Has Disclosed Next Martyr, 29 August 2007
  43. ^ London Proposes to Moscow Changing Constitution, 17 July 2007
  44. ^ a b John Lennon on Russian Constitution, 17 August 2007
  45. ^ VCIOM: Russians Oppose Lugovoi Extradition to Brits,, 21 August 2007
  46. ^ British Ambassador Suggests Russia Interprets Its Constitution In New Ways,, 23 July 2007
  47. ^ Excerpts from Transcript of Meeting with Members of Russian Youth Organisations, 24 July 2007, In Russian
  48. ^ Excerpts from Transcript of Meeting with Members of Russian Youth Organisations, 24 July 2007, In English
  49. ^ In full: Litvinenko statement, BBC News, 24 November 2006
  50. ^ [5] Archived 22 July 2015 at the Wayback Machine
  51. ^
  52. ^ Joint Press Conference after Russia-EU Summit, Helsinki, Finland, 24 November 2006
  53. ^
  54. ^ a b Press Statement following the Peace Mission 2007 Counterterrorism Exercises and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit, 17 August 2007, Chelyabinsk Region
  55. ^ a b Russia restores Soviet-era strategic bomber patrols, 17 August 2007, RIA Novosti, Russia
  56. ^ a b SCO Scares NATO, 8 August 2007,
  57. ^ Russia Over Three Oceans, 20 August 2007, "Chas", Latvia
  58. ^ Beginning of Meeting with Defense Minister Anatoliy Serdyukov, 5 December 2007,
  59. ^ Russian navy to start sorties in MediterraneanGuy Faulconbridge. Reuters 5 December 2007.
  60. ^ Russia's Navy Has Resumed Presence in World Ocean (Russian) 5 December 2007.
  61. ^ Семь честных слов под килемПавел Фельгенгауэр. Novaya Gazeta № 95 Dec 13, 2007.
  62. ^ Russia Courts Indonesia at the Wayback Machine (archived February 21, 2008)
  63. ^ a b Putin: Iran Has Right to Develop Peaceful Nuclear Programme, 16 October 2007,
  64. ^ Putin Positive on Second Caspian Summit Results, Meets With Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 16 October 2007,
  65. ^ Visit to Iran. Second Caspian Summit, 15–16 October 2007,
  66. ^ Vladimir Putin defies assassination threats to make historic visit to Tehran, 16 October 2007, The Times (In Russian)
  67. ^ Vladimir Putin defies assassination threats to make historic visit to Tehran, 16 October 2007, The Times (In English)
  68. ^ Answer to a Question at the Joint Press Conference Following the Second Caspian Summit, 16 October 2007, Tehran,
  69. ^ Press Statement and Answers to Questions following the 20th Russia-European Union Summit, 26 October 2007, Mafra, Portugal,
  70. ^ Russia Will Finance European Democracy, 29 October 2007,
  71. ^
  72. ^ Zakaria, Fareed, "This Isn’t the Return of History"}
  73. ^
  74. ^
  75. ^

Further reading

  • Ambrosio, Thomas, and Geoffrey Vandrovec. "Mapping the Geopolitics of the Russian Federation: The Federal Assembly Addresses of Putin and Medvedev." Geopolitics (2013) 18#2 pp 435–466.
  • Gvosdev, Nikolas K., and Christopher Marsh. Russian Foreign Policy: Interests, Vectors, and Sectors (Washington: CQ Press, 2013) excerpt and text search
  • Hopf, Ted, ed. Understandings of Russian Foreign Policy (1999)
  • Kanet, Roger E. Russian foreign policy in the 21st century (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010)
  • Larson, Deborah Welch, and Alexei Shevchenko. "Status seekers: Chinese and Russian responses to US primacy." International Security (2010) 34#4 pp 63–95.
  • Legvold, Robert, ed. Russian Foreign Policy in the 21st Century and the Shadow of the Past (2007)
  • Menkiszak, Marek: "Responsibility to protect... itself? Russia’s strategy towards the crisis in Syria", FIIA Briefing Paper 131, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs.
  • Roberts, Sean P.: Russia as an international actor: The view from Europe and the US, FIIA Report 37 (2013), The Finnish Institute of International Affairs
  • Saul, Norman E. Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Foreign Policy (2014)excerpt and text search
  • Stent, Angela E. The Limits of Partnership: U.S. Russian Relations in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton UP, 2014) 355 pages; excerpt and text search
  • Tsygankov, Andrei P. "The Russia-NATO mistrust: Ethnophobia and the double expansion to contain “the Russian Bear”." Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2013).
  • Yefremenko, Dmitry. Forced or Desired Modernity? Russia’s Chances in the Post-American world. // Russia in Global Affairs, 2010, July / September, No. 3. - P. 36-49. Mode of access:
  • Yefremenko, Dmitry. Waiting for a Storm. Russian Foreign Policy in the Era of Change. // Russia in Global Affairs, 2012, April–June, No. 2. - P. 18-32. Mode of access:

External links

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